Violence and Migration from the Northern Triangle of Central America
By Trang Truong
Fever. Exhaustion. Scorching heat. Dehydration. Respiratory problems. Trauma.
These are just some of the obstacles that migrants from the Central American caravan face as the group of approximately 5000 refugees trek north to seek asylum in the United States. The group has already traveled over 1,000 miles to reach Mexico City after departing Honduras on October 12, 2018. President Donald Trump has stated that the caravan will not be allowed to pass into the United States and has ordered troops to the border site where the caravan is expected to arrive.1 However, despite capturing international attention, the cause of this exodus of Central Americans—a crucial detail that should be considered when determining how the United States receives these these refugees—remains hidden from the spotlight.
Refugees from Central America can generally be localized to three countries: Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Together, these three countries comprise what is colloquially known as the Northern Triangle. Civil wars and neighboring foreign conflicts have rocked the institutions of the Northern Triangle countries in recent decades. While Honduras set the stage for the conflict between US-backed Contras and the Sandinista government of Nicaragua,2 the Guatemalan government used assassinations, massacres, and disappearances as political tools to eliminate dissenters. El Salvador was plagued by conflict between the militaristic government and leftist guerilla groups.3 These events weakened the structural forces previously present in the Northern Triangle and created a power vacuum that allowed for organized gangs to thrive.
Examples of such crime syndicates from each of the countries include the Mendozas, Lorenzanas, and Leones in Guatemala, Cachiros, and Valles in Honduras, and Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13), Barrio 10, Perrones, and Texis Cartel in El Salvador4. These gangs terrorize citizens through rampant extortion—totaling at least $661 million dollars per year—and acts of direct violence. Even this exorbitant amount is likely an underestimate considering that extortion is one of the most under-reported crimes in these areas of the world.2
Adolescent males in the Northern Triangle face assault or even death if they refuse to interact with a gang. One teen in El Salvador recounted how he was beaten three times for his refusal to join a neighborhood gang. He relocated after every incident, and each time, the same gang tracked him down. Another woman told of how she moved to six different parts of El Salvador and even Guatemala, but the same gang was still able to follow her. Females often face rape and disappearance at the hands of the gangs should they refuse their sexual advance5.
Gangs even forcibly recruit members from local schools, sometimes with the help of the teachers and school directors. Consequently, school attendance suffers as students do not feel safe to continue pursuing an education. The average number of years of schooling for adults in Guatemala is 3.5 even though the duration of compulsory education is 11 years, suggesting that the presence of nearby gangs is enough to deter most students from schooling.3
Across the years, the prevalence of gang violence has permeated into the home life and workplace in the Northern Triangle. In Guatemala, gendered violence has almost been normalized—the beating of a wife at the hands of her husband is often discussed with a degree of normalcy that may appear startling to the unfamiliar person. Women workers suffer abduction, torture, rape, and murder, resulting in only 28% of female agriculturalists maintaining permanent salaries.3 In the end, the level of brutality demonstrated by the government towards political enemies in the past seems to have adapted into more interpersonal relations.'
These living conditions in the El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras begets the question of how citizens cope with the threat of gang violence. One common question to ponder is what role the police plays in these countries. Though it might seem plausible to have law enforcement combat the actions of organized crime, there is a general belief that not even the police are removed from the influence of the gangs. During La Mano Dura (tough-on-crime policies put into place in 2003), the Salvadoran government attempted to crack down on crime by installing quotas on how many apprehensions there must be per year. The police were pressured to fulfill these quotas, but simultaneously dreaded the retribution of gangs. Therefore, to avoid angering the gangs, local authorities accused ordinary citizens of crimes and detained them without concrete evidence. There were even reports of mothers being detained on the basis of “homicide” when they arrived at a hospital with a miscarried baby.6 Criminal members ran amok while ordinary citizens sat behind bars.
With no one to turn to, the only choice that most of the residents facing violence in the Northern Triangle countries have is to emigrate. Short-range emigration typically will not suffice, since gangs are able to continue tracking their victims. The US stands as a beacon of hope for many who suffer the terror induced by gangs in these regions. As 29-year-old caravan migrant Jorge Perez plainly put, their goal is “to go northward [of Mexico]”.1
The countries of the Northern Triangle have become sources of extreme violence for many who have spent their entire lives there. For the group of Central American migrants trudging through the deserts of Mexico, the only potential haven is the US. Though becoming desensitized to the horrors that these migrants face is a natural coping mechanism for many people, it is crucial that policy-makers exhibit empathy before making decisions on how to receive these refugees. Understanding the motivation behind these migrations is vital; the social reality that these refugees face must be considered on equal ground with the political implications surrounding their reception into the US. When the dust from partisan clashes settles and the remainders from political divisions are swept aside, place yourself in the shoes of a Central American refugee and ask: How far would you walk to ensure your own safety and the safety of your family. How would you like to be received by others?
References
1. Agren, D. Migrant Caravan Departs Mexico City as New Caravans Merge to Reach Capital. USA Today (2018).
2. Rocio Cara Labrador, D. R. Central America’s Violent Northern Triangle. Council on Foreign Relations (2018). Available at: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/central-americas-violent-northern-triangle.
3. Menjivar, C. Violence and Women’s Lives in Eastern Guatemala : A Conceptual Framework Author ( s ): Cecilia Menjívar Published by : The Latin American Studies Association All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VIOLENCE AND WOMEN ’ S LIVES IN EASTERN GUATEMALA. 43, 109–136 (2013).
4. Harriott, A. A., Lewis, D. A. & Zechmeister, E. J. The Political Culture of Democracy in the Americas , 2014 : Democratic Governance across 10 Years of the Americas Barometer. (2014). doi:10.1063/1.1803911
5. Kennedy, E. No Childhood Here: Why Central American Children Are Fleeing Their Homes. Am. Immigr. Counc. 1–8 (2014).
6. Viterna, J. Why Leave Central America? (2018).
Fever. Exhaustion. Scorching heat. Dehydration. Respiratory problems. Trauma.
These are just some of the obstacles that migrants from the Central American caravan face as the group of approximately 5000 refugees trek north to seek asylum in the United States. The group has already traveled over 1,000 miles to reach Mexico City after departing Honduras on October 12, 2018. President Donald Trump has stated that the caravan will not be allowed to pass into the United States and has ordered troops to the border site where the caravan is expected to arrive.1 However, despite capturing international attention, the cause of this exodus of Central Americans—a crucial detail that should be considered when determining how the United States receives these these refugees—remains hidden from the spotlight.
Refugees from Central America can generally be localized to three countries: Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Together, these three countries comprise what is colloquially known as the Northern Triangle. Civil wars and neighboring foreign conflicts have rocked the institutions of the Northern Triangle countries in recent decades. While Honduras set the stage for the conflict between US-backed Contras and the Sandinista government of Nicaragua,2 the Guatemalan government used assassinations, massacres, and disappearances as political tools to eliminate dissenters. El Salvador was plagued by conflict between the militaristic government and leftist guerilla groups.3 These events weakened the structural forces previously present in the Northern Triangle and created a power vacuum that allowed for organized gangs to thrive.
Examples of such crime syndicates from each of the countries include the Mendozas, Lorenzanas, and Leones in Guatemala, Cachiros, and Valles in Honduras, and Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13), Barrio 10, Perrones, and Texis Cartel in El Salvador4. These gangs terrorize citizens through rampant extortion—totaling at least $661 million dollars per year—and acts of direct violence. Even this exorbitant amount is likely an underestimate considering that extortion is one of the most under-reported crimes in these areas of the world.2
Adolescent males in the Northern Triangle face assault or even death if they refuse to interact with a gang. One teen in El Salvador recounted how he was beaten three times for his refusal to join a neighborhood gang. He relocated after every incident, and each time, the same gang tracked him down. Another woman told of how she moved to six different parts of El Salvador and even Guatemala, but the same gang was still able to follow her. Females often face rape and disappearance at the hands of the gangs should they refuse their sexual advance5.
Gangs even forcibly recruit members from local schools, sometimes with the help of the teachers and school directors. Consequently, school attendance suffers as students do not feel safe to continue pursuing an education. The average number of years of schooling for adults in Guatemala is 3.5 even though the duration of compulsory education is 11 years, suggesting that the presence of nearby gangs is enough to deter most students from schooling.3
Across the years, the prevalence of gang violence has permeated into the home life and workplace in the Northern Triangle. In Guatemala, gendered violence has almost been normalized—the beating of a wife at the hands of her husband is often discussed with a degree of normalcy that may appear startling to the unfamiliar person. Women workers suffer abduction, torture, rape, and murder, resulting in only 28% of female agriculturalists maintaining permanent salaries.3 In the end, the level of brutality demonstrated by the government towards political enemies in the past seems to have adapted into more interpersonal relations.'
These living conditions in the El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras begets the question of how citizens cope with the threat of gang violence. One common question to ponder is what role the police plays in these countries. Though it might seem plausible to have law enforcement combat the actions of organized crime, there is a general belief that not even the police are removed from the influence of the gangs. During La Mano Dura (tough-on-crime policies put into place in 2003), the Salvadoran government attempted to crack down on crime by installing quotas on how many apprehensions there must be per year. The police were pressured to fulfill these quotas, but simultaneously dreaded the retribution of gangs. Therefore, to avoid angering the gangs, local authorities accused ordinary citizens of crimes and detained them without concrete evidence. There were even reports of mothers being detained on the basis of “homicide” when they arrived at a hospital with a miscarried baby.6 Criminal members ran amok while ordinary citizens sat behind bars.
With no one to turn to, the only choice that most of the residents facing violence in the Northern Triangle countries have is to emigrate. Short-range emigration typically will not suffice, since gangs are able to continue tracking their victims. The US stands as a beacon of hope for many who suffer the terror induced by gangs in these regions. As 29-year-old caravan migrant Jorge Perez plainly put, their goal is “to go northward [of Mexico]”.1
The countries of the Northern Triangle have become sources of extreme violence for many who have spent their entire lives there. For the group of Central American migrants trudging through the deserts of Mexico, the only potential haven is the US. Though becoming desensitized to the horrors that these migrants face is a natural coping mechanism for many people, it is crucial that policy-makers exhibit empathy before making decisions on how to receive these refugees. Understanding the motivation behind these migrations is vital; the social reality that these refugees face must be considered on equal ground with the political implications surrounding their reception into the US. When the dust from partisan clashes settles and the remainders from political divisions are swept aside, place yourself in the shoes of a Central American refugee and ask: How far would you walk to ensure your own safety and the safety of your family. How would you like to be received by others?
References
1. Agren, D. Migrant Caravan Departs Mexico City as New Caravans Merge to Reach Capital. USA Today (2018).
2. Rocio Cara Labrador, D. R. Central America’s Violent Northern Triangle. Council on Foreign Relations (2018). Available at: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/central-americas-violent-northern-triangle.
3. Menjivar, C. Violence and Women’s Lives in Eastern Guatemala : A Conceptual Framework Author ( s ): Cecilia Menjívar Published by : The Latin American Studies Association All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions VIOLENCE AND WOMEN ’ S LIVES IN EASTERN GUATEMALA. 43, 109–136 (2013).
4. Harriott, A. A., Lewis, D. A. & Zechmeister, E. J. The Political Culture of Democracy in the Americas , 2014 : Democratic Governance across 10 Years of the Americas Barometer. (2014). doi:10.1063/1.1803911
5. Kennedy, E. No Childhood Here: Why Central American Children Are Fleeing Their Homes. Am. Immigr. Counc. 1–8 (2014).
6. Viterna, J. Why Leave Central America? (2018).
